.

On December 17th, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan claimed that the separation of powers is an obstacle, saying that the “bureaucratic oligarchy stands against you, and [you] face the jurisdiction unexpectedly. Legislation, execution, and jurisdiction have to protect the society’s interests, and [that] of the state afterwards. If we’ll ever become a power, this is the way”. Also he adds that “the system is corrupt from the beginning”.

It is well known that with his high ambitions, Erdogan always wanted to have the utmost power in the country. He always has given such speeches. For example, in the mid-1990s, he said, “democracy is like a tram for us – we get on it until we reach our destination, then we get off”. Even after the 2002 elections, when he portrayed himself as an apostle of democracy, throughout his time in office, his actions have shown otherwise. His December 17th speech was only the latest, most clear expression of his anti-democracy feelings, and the timing of his speech is important.

First, the Turkish parliament has been preparing a new constitution, which has been the source of some controversy. Burhan Kuzu, the head of constitutional commission, avows that if the commission cannot settle on a common ground by January 1st, the AKP will prepare the constitution themselves and will not hold any further debates.

Second, in 2013 Turkey will hold local elections, and in 2014, general and presidential elections. As Erdogan will be able to run for re-election due to a clause of the party, he will seek for other ways to gain power. With his high ambitions, he cannot accept a secondary role.

Third, a rift within the party is becoming more and more likely. If Erdogan does not find a way to be the supreme power both in the party and the country, his ambitions will not be satisfied. Since the middle of 2012, Erdogan’s speeches and attributes are getting more and more aggressive, which is a sign of both inner and external problems and discomfort for the AKP.

Alongside these factors, this year, out of nowhere, Erdogan began to talk about instituting a presidential system in Turkey. First occasionally, then often. Burhan Kuzu also has been spreading the propaganda of this system, mentioning points such as:

  • The president will be able to vacate the parliament;
  • The ministers will not be elected but selected by the president out of the parliament;
  • The president will have the utmost power where the parliament will become more like a consultative committee.

Considering these statements, it seems that Erdogan wants to change the constitution as fast as he can (as today, what he says is law in Turkey; in the same speech, he refers to the ineffeciencies of the opposing parties, which could be solved by his singular rule) and avoid risking the local elections with the constitutional debates. He wants to change the system in Turkey from democracy to a one-party--or worse, a one-man--rule. After changing the system, and while his party holds the most of the local governments, in 2014 he is aiming to be the president of Turkey, and as he cannot directly influence the parliament, he aims to keep his hand in there also. Today, he talks about no opposition in parliament, and that no jurisdiction can judge the president’s “laws”. In short, he desires a presidential system where the president is the ultimate decision-maker, like the kings of ancient or modern times. Especially considering his outspoken stance against Assad, the president of Syria, the situation becomes even more complicated.

Could this be considered a “second Turkish revolution” after 1923? Following the decade-long policies held by the government, there seems no reason for this not to be true. The Arab Spring has overthrown dictators, but it seems that the Middle East must have a new dictator in the region, especially after the fall of Assad. Erdogan, with all his ambition and anti-democratic leanings, seems he wishes to make his power legal and accepted worldwide.

Murat Karabag, aged 26, is a student of sociology and economics at Istanbul University. After graduation, he aims to continue his study in politics. He is also an activist in environmental issues and Turkish politics.

Photo: Valeriy Osipov (cc).

The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.

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www.diplomaticourier.com

The Second Turkish Revolution

December 21, 2012

On December 17th, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan claimed that the separation of powers is an obstacle, saying that the “bureaucratic oligarchy stands against you, and [you] face the jurisdiction unexpectedly. Legislation, execution, and jurisdiction have to protect the society’s interests, and [that] of the state afterwards. If we’ll ever become a power, this is the way”. Also he adds that “the system is corrupt from the beginning”.

It is well known that with his high ambitions, Erdogan always wanted to have the utmost power in the country. He always has given such speeches. For example, in the mid-1990s, he said, “democracy is like a tram for us – we get on it until we reach our destination, then we get off”. Even after the 2002 elections, when he portrayed himself as an apostle of democracy, throughout his time in office, his actions have shown otherwise. His December 17th speech was only the latest, most clear expression of his anti-democracy feelings, and the timing of his speech is important.

First, the Turkish parliament has been preparing a new constitution, which has been the source of some controversy. Burhan Kuzu, the head of constitutional commission, avows that if the commission cannot settle on a common ground by January 1st, the AKP will prepare the constitution themselves and will not hold any further debates.

Second, in 2013 Turkey will hold local elections, and in 2014, general and presidential elections. As Erdogan will be able to run for re-election due to a clause of the party, he will seek for other ways to gain power. With his high ambitions, he cannot accept a secondary role.

Third, a rift within the party is becoming more and more likely. If Erdogan does not find a way to be the supreme power both in the party and the country, his ambitions will not be satisfied. Since the middle of 2012, Erdogan’s speeches and attributes are getting more and more aggressive, which is a sign of both inner and external problems and discomfort for the AKP.

Alongside these factors, this year, out of nowhere, Erdogan began to talk about instituting a presidential system in Turkey. First occasionally, then often. Burhan Kuzu also has been spreading the propaganda of this system, mentioning points such as:

  • The president will be able to vacate the parliament;
  • The ministers will not be elected but selected by the president out of the parliament;
  • The president will have the utmost power where the parliament will become more like a consultative committee.

Considering these statements, it seems that Erdogan wants to change the constitution as fast as he can (as today, what he says is law in Turkey; in the same speech, he refers to the ineffeciencies of the opposing parties, which could be solved by his singular rule) and avoid risking the local elections with the constitutional debates. He wants to change the system in Turkey from democracy to a one-party--or worse, a one-man--rule. After changing the system, and while his party holds the most of the local governments, in 2014 he is aiming to be the president of Turkey, and as he cannot directly influence the parliament, he aims to keep his hand in there also. Today, he talks about no opposition in parliament, and that no jurisdiction can judge the president’s “laws”. In short, he desires a presidential system where the president is the ultimate decision-maker, like the kings of ancient or modern times. Especially considering his outspoken stance against Assad, the president of Syria, the situation becomes even more complicated.

Could this be considered a “second Turkish revolution” after 1923? Following the decade-long policies held by the government, there seems no reason for this not to be true. The Arab Spring has overthrown dictators, but it seems that the Middle East must have a new dictator in the region, especially after the fall of Assad. Erdogan, with all his ambition and anti-democratic leanings, seems he wishes to make his power legal and accepted worldwide.

Murat Karabag, aged 26, is a student of sociology and economics at Istanbul University. After graduation, he aims to continue his study in politics. He is also an activist in environmental issues and Turkish politics.

Photo: Valeriy Osipov (cc).

The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.