s a rule, political books are overwhelmingly written by insiders and for insiders. Politicos inside the Beltway which encircles Washington, D.C., or who work in and around Portcullis House and Parliament Square in London, revel in these books. It is the high–water mark of a career to feature in one of these stories, and for those not quite at the top of the table, reading about their peers (and their foibles) is perhaps the next best thing. True insiders manipulate the authors, seeking to settle scores and rewrite history—everyone wants to be in the next Bob Woodward book.
The downside is that most of these books have an extremely short shelf–life. Once the administration in question fades from the front pages, it is only the true political junkie or historian that will pick up an outdated political book. How many people are reading books written during President George W. Bush’s presidency today? I suspect very few.
For a political book to truly stand out, it requires a rare combination of timing, access, writing, and insights into trends—not just distinct events. Ben Riley–Smith, the UK Daily Telegraph’s political editor, manages to tick every box in his book “The Right to Rule,” about the Tory Party’s 13 years in power. There have been innumerable books written about elements of London’s political machinations over the last decade plus—I should know, as I am unashamed to be quite the nerd when it comes to British politics. This genre has included books that covered Brexit in intimate detail, score–settling political memoirs, and analytical works that looked at the trends that both drove and were shaped by the tumult within the United Kingdom. Riley–Smith zooms out from that defining moment to look at the totality of the Tory Party’s political dominance.
The timing of Riley–Smith’s book is impeccable. The United Kingdom will cast their ballots later this year for a general election. If current polls hold true, the Labour Party looks set to end the Tories’ long dominance, and quite possibly in a resounding manner. Despite a sense of the inevitable at this stage, with the Tory Party seemingly scoring one own–goal after another and fighting more amongst themselves than anything else, Riley–Smith paints a notably different portrait—one of a party that is remarkably adaptable and populated by political survivors. Tactically and operationally responsive, the party manages to adapt and adjust to evolving political dynamics. The party shifts with the political winds, shapes its narratives, and takes advantage of the weaknesses of its opponents. In many ways, its dominance was helped by a Labour Party that had lurched dramatically to the left, especially under the activist (and controversial) leadership of Jeremy Corbyn.
In Riley–Smith’s hands these stories are not simply dry observational accounts. He pens a vibrant political story that makes readers feel as though they are in the room as the decisions are made or flies–on–the–wall as the Tory Party twists and turns, contorting itself to remain in power. His portraits of the players are equally vibrant and engaging. It is an almost Shakespearian cast of recurring characters from the well–known, such as Boris Johnson and his Iago, Dominic Cummings, but also the less well–known, but still instrumental, such as Michael Gove and Theresa May’s co–chiefs of staff: Fiona Hill and Nick Timothy.
His analysis is sharp, and his access is clearly on display as successive stories have “you heard it here first” insights. More than that it is simply enjoyable to read and readers do not need to know the ins–and–outs of parliamentary politics ahead of time. For sure, they would benefit from having read Ian Dunt’s “How Westminster Works… And Why it Doesn’t”, but it is not necessary.
The early days of the party’s success are now distant history but started the path for the Tories in the future. In 2010 the Tories under David Cameron handed Labour a stinging defeat, but didn’t achieve an overall victory. As a result, they entered a coalition with the Liberal Democrats—the perennial third party of British politics—but immediately began plotting their defeat, which would come in 2015 with the Conservatives winning an outright majority. Brexit will, however, define the party from title to footnote for the foreseeable future.
Indeed, the entirety of the Brexit story could well be distilled into an antibody response within the Conservative Party. It was, in many ways, almost exclusively an attempt by David Cameron to offset the rising influence and appeal of the UK Independence Party and its shameless, tireless campaigner, Nigel Farage. Seeking to neutralize the rising right, Cameron gambled and lost. He misread the country’s frustration, misunderstood the appeal of VoteLeave and its shockingly effective campaign, and failed to fully mobilize the Remain movement.
That singular moment in 2016 would come to define nearly every action of the Tory Party thereafter. Theresa May’s attempts to get a Brexit deal done and the decision to call a snap election, which saw the Tories win, but lose their small majority. Her downfall and the rise of Boris Johnson to the premiership, and his promise to get Brexit done. Riley–Smith speculates about the impact of Johnson coming out in favor of Brexit—a decision that seemed to be more a question of what was in the interest of himself, rather than the country.
Johnson’s tenure was, of course, dominated by the Covid pandemic, the haphazard response, and the infamous “Partygate” and its fallout. Yet, his supporters today focus more on his successes as a campaigner and mobilizer, pointing to the 2019 landslide victory, in which the Tories made a net gain of 48 seats. They see a prime minister undone by intrigues led, in no small part, by the current incumbent, Rishi Sunak. But between Johnson and Sunak was Liz Truss, who became the shortest–serving prime minister, resigning just 50 days after accepting Her Majesty the Queen’s invitation to form a government (who also passed away during her occupancy of 10 Downing Street). Despite being outlasted by a head of lettuce, Truss left an indelible mark on the United Kingdom, pushing through an aggressive slate of economic reforms that took the markets by surprise, sending interest rates soaring and confidence plunging. The steady–state managerial approach of Sunak was a welcome respite from the tumult of successive prime ministers, but he has yet to generate a political program that is attractive to all elements of the Tory Party or indeed the British electorate.
A curious underlying narrative is that while the Party adapts and mutates, its goal and focus is almost exclusively on political survival and the perpetuation of its power. This is, of course, an unfairly catch–all assertion. There are countless MPs, staffers, and policymakers keen to better the country and build a better Britain, but in Riley–Smith’s narrative these idealists are relegated to the metaphorical backbenches. The political animals, the Francis Urquharts—the lead actor of Michael Dobbs’ “House of Cards” book series—of the world, are those at the top, deciding the party platform, whipping the vote, and spinning the narratives (which are increasingly taking on an American political flavor).
The Tories certainly do evolve, but it is often an evolution in response to stimuli (whether from within or from without), rather than innovation. This innovation may well be what happens if (as is likely) and when the party enters the political wilderness this autumn or winter. The trouble is that the Tory Party is many parties and factions—not all of whom sit well with each other—rather than one clear movement or ideology (something captured well by Tim Bale in his “Conservative Party After Brexit”). The latest entrant to this Conservative Party ecosystem is Truss’ “Popular Conservative” or PopCon movement, which argues that the Tories have been prevented from acting as true Conservatives should. Which will emerge on top and define the post-government trajectory of the party remains far from clear.
Riley–Smith has penned the rare political book that is both salacious and substantive, and deeply enjoyable. It offers penetrating insights into just what has happened in not just the Conservative Party, but also British politics more broadly over the last decade plus. It raises numerous “what–if?” questions and sets the stage for the forthcoming general election in peerless fashion. The right to rule comes from the consent of the governed and it is increasingly clear that the Tories may well have exhausted that consent over a long and tumultuous period in power.
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The enduring political power of party evolution
Street art in Bristol with the message "Tories Out" referring to the Tory Party. Image by Nik from Unsplash.
February 17, 2024
Ben Riley–Smith’s book “The Right to Rule” explores the nuanced power dynamics and strategic maneuvers within the Tory Party's 13–year rule. The insightful political memoir offers a look into the evolution of British politics and the Tories’ long dominance, writes Joshua Huminski.
A
s a rule, political books are overwhelmingly written by insiders and for insiders. Politicos inside the Beltway which encircles Washington, D.C., or who work in and around Portcullis House and Parliament Square in London, revel in these books. It is the high–water mark of a career to feature in one of these stories, and for those not quite at the top of the table, reading about their peers (and their foibles) is perhaps the next best thing. True insiders manipulate the authors, seeking to settle scores and rewrite history—everyone wants to be in the next Bob Woodward book.
The downside is that most of these books have an extremely short shelf–life. Once the administration in question fades from the front pages, it is only the true political junkie or historian that will pick up an outdated political book. How many people are reading books written during President George W. Bush’s presidency today? I suspect very few.
For a political book to truly stand out, it requires a rare combination of timing, access, writing, and insights into trends—not just distinct events. Ben Riley–Smith, the UK Daily Telegraph’s political editor, manages to tick every box in his book “The Right to Rule,” about the Tory Party’s 13 years in power. There have been innumerable books written about elements of London’s political machinations over the last decade plus—I should know, as I am unashamed to be quite the nerd when it comes to British politics. This genre has included books that covered Brexit in intimate detail, score–settling political memoirs, and analytical works that looked at the trends that both drove and were shaped by the tumult within the United Kingdom. Riley–Smith zooms out from that defining moment to look at the totality of the Tory Party’s political dominance.
The timing of Riley–Smith’s book is impeccable. The United Kingdom will cast their ballots later this year for a general election. If current polls hold true, the Labour Party looks set to end the Tories’ long dominance, and quite possibly in a resounding manner. Despite a sense of the inevitable at this stage, with the Tory Party seemingly scoring one own–goal after another and fighting more amongst themselves than anything else, Riley–Smith paints a notably different portrait—one of a party that is remarkably adaptable and populated by political survivors. Tactically and operationally responsive, the party manages to adapt and adjust to evolving political dynamics. The party shifts with the political winds, shapes its narratives, and takes advantage of the weaknesses of its opponents. In many ways, its dominance was helped by a Labour Party that had lurched dramatically to the left, especially under the activist (and controversial) leadership of Jeremy Corbyn.
In Riley–Smith’s hands these stories are not simply dry observational accounts. He pens a vibrant political story that makes readers feel as though they are in the room as the decisions are made or flies–on–the–wall as the Tory Party twists and turns, contorting itself to remain in power. His portraits of the players are equally vibrant and engaging. It is an almost Shakespearian cast of recurring characters from the well–known, such as Boris Johnson and his Iago, Dominic Cummings, but also the less well–known, but still instrumental, such as Michael Gove and Theresa May’s co–chiefs of staff: Fiona Hill and Nick Timothy.
His analysis is sharp, and his access is clearly on display as successive stories have “you heard it here first” insights. More than that it is simply enjoyable to read and readers do not need to know the ins–and–outs of parliamentary politics ahead of time. For sure, they would benefit from having read Ian Dunt’s “How Westminster Works… And Why it Doesn’t”, but it is not necessary.
The early days of the party’s success are now distant history but started the path for the Tories in the future. In 2010 the Tories under David Cameron handed Labour a stinging defeat, but didn’t achieve an overall victory. As a result, they entered a coalition with the Liberal Democrats—the perennial third party of British politics—but immediately began plotting their defeat, which would come in 2015 with the Conservatives winning an outright majority. Brexit will, however, define the party from title to footnote for the foreseeable future.
Indeed, the entirety of the Brexit story could well be distilled into an antibody response within the Conservative Party. It was, in many ways, almost exclusively an attempt by David Cameron to offset the rising influence and appeal of the UK Independence Party and its shameless, tireless campaigner, Nigel Farage. Seeking to neutralize the rising right, Cameron gambled and lost. He misread the country’s frustration, misunderstood the appeal of VoteLeave and its shockingly effective campaign, and failed to fully mobilize the Remain movement.
That singular moment in 2016 would come to define nearly every action of the Tory Party thereafter. Theresa May’s attempts to get a Brexit deal done and the decision to call a snap election, which saw the Tories win, but lose their small majority. Her downfall and the rise of Boris Johnson to the premiership, and his promise to get Brexit done. Riley–Smith speculates about the impact of Johnson coming out in favor of Brexit—a decision that seemed to be more a question of what was in the interest of himself, rather than the country.
Johnson’s tenure was, of course, dominated by the Covid pandemic, the haphazard response, and the infamous “Partygate” and its fallout. Yet, his supporters today focus more on his successes as a campaigner and mobilizer, pointing to the 2019 landslide victory, in which the Tories made a net gain of 48 seats. They see a prime minister undone by intrigues led, in no small part, by the current incumbent, Rishi Sunak. But between Johnson and Sunak was Liz Truss, who became the shortest–serving prime minister, resigning just 50 days after accepting Her Majesty the Queen’s invitation to form a government (who also passed away during her occupancy of 10 Downing Street). Despite being outlasted by a head of lettuce, Truss left an indelible mark on the United Kingdom, pushing through an aggressive slate of economic reforms that took the markets by surprise, sending interest rates soaring and confidence plunging. The steady–state managerial approach of Sunak was a welcome respite from the tumult of successive prime ministers, but he has yet to generate a political program that is attractive to all elements of the Tory Party or indeed the British electorate.
A curious underlying narrative is that while the Party adapts and mutates, its goal and focus is almost exclusively on political survival and the perpetuation of its power. This is, of course, an unfairly catch–all assertion. There are countless MPs, staffers, and policymakers keen to better the country and build a better Britain, but in Riley–Smith’s narrative these idealists are relegated to the metaphorical backbenches. The political animals, the Francis Urquharts—the lead actor of Michael Dobbs’ “House of Cards” book series—of the world, are those at the top, deciding the party platform, whipping the vote, and spinning the narratives (which are increasingly taking on an American political flavor).
The Tories certainly do evolve, but it is often an evolution in response to stimuli (whether from within or from without), rather than innovation. This innovation may well be what happens if (as is likely) and when the party enters the political wilderness this autumn or winter. The trouble is that the Tory Party is many parties and factions—not all of whom sit well with each other—rather than one clear movement or ideology (something captured well by Tim Bale in his “Conservative Party After Brexit”). The latest entrant to this Conservative Party ecosystem is Truss’ “Popular Conservative” or PopCon movement, which argues that the Tories have been prevented from acting as true Conservatives should. Which will emerge on top and define the post-government trajectory of the party remains far from clear.
Riley–Smith has penned the rare political book that is both salacious and substantive, and deeply enjoyable. It offers penetrating insights into just what has happened in not just the Conservative Party, but also British politics more broadly over the last decade plus. It raises numerous “what–if?” questions and sets the stage for the forthcoming general election in peerless fashion. The right to rule comes from the consent of the governed and it is increasingly clear that the Tories may well have exhausted that consent over a long and tumultuous period in power.
