.

Since its first elections in 1979, the European Parliament has seen a gradual decrease in voter turnout. The results of polls from May 22 to 25 showed the second lowest civic engagement of its history, only 43.09 percent. This is a serious issue, taking into account the competencies of the Parliament such as electing the President of the EU Commission, approving laws, budgets, and treaties. In addition, many right wing parties were elected for the Parliament. For instance, in France, the National Front (FN), led by Marine Le Pen, received 24.8 percent of the vote to become the country’s largest party in the European Parliament (24 out of 75 French members of the European Parliament). Her party is known for its willingness to reduce the powers of EU. Thus, the labeled “Europtimists” will have to work together to balance the new “Eurosceptics”.

The outcome of the European Parliament elections demonstrated that most Europeans are not fully engaged with the communitarian institution. Many factors can explain this result. First, citizens are unaware or skeptical about the EU. In times of economic crises, national policies might seem more responsive, in the eyes of the average citizen, in addressing local difficulties. Second, many still consider the European Union a top-down organization, created by national elites. Third, the decline in civic engagement in the latest polls could be framed as a protest vote against national policies, especially as seen in France, which already experienced a similar situation during the 1980s. Fourth, the democratic gap is illustrated by the fact that only the EU Parliament is directly elected by the people. These are some of the obstacles that member states and communitarian institutions will have to address in the next elections.

Since institutional campaigns such as "Act, React, Impact" do not seem to have worked as expected, how can the EU Parliament engage more Europeans in the regional policy? There is a vast range of suggestions on the table, especially by comparing different political regimes. All EU member states as democracies dealing with the system in a regional framework is challenging, perhaps a challenge similar to that faced by societies with recent democratic regimes. (For examples, we can look to the German NGO Transparency International, which develops and implements many strategies in order to improve civic engagement in former USSR countries.)

Such actions could also be applied on regional grounds. First, seminars and training courses focused on the youth of every member country is essential, for they will soon take part in the political process. Lectures about the political processes of the EU should take place at school, and explain what the benefits are for the country and the region as whole. Second, they should work to raise voter’s awareness before elections by fostering debates on TV channels. Third, traditional political parties should pay more attention to the communitarian institutions, because many of them implemented campaigns too close to elections. No wonder—parties that began their campaigns earlier were successful at the polls. Fourth, it would be helpful to devote a full day in the region for elections, once every country has a different date.

It is important to highlight that many citizens did not vote as a form of protest due to the lack of credibility of political parties. This is an unusual phenomenon in many countries. Nevertheless, there are democracies in which voting is compulsory. Such policy addresses the issue of democratic legitimacy, once the elected candidate represents the majority of voters, and not only those of mobilized groups. Countries like Brazil, where voting is compulsory, impose different measures in order to make people comply with the voting system. In the European Union, however, this policy would not receive strong support, because it is not the tradition of most European countries, where freedom of speech can also be framed as freedom to not speak.

Communitarian agencies will have to improve their efforts with member states and attempt different strategies to increase voter turnout in the 2019 elections. There is no magic formula, but of course, such transition towards better civic engagement is likely to work, as long as any future approach respects cultural traditions concerning the political system.

Leonardo Miguel Alles is an international consultant based in Paris.

Photo: dominiccampbell (cc).

The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.

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How to Improve Civic Engagement in Europe

July 23, 2014

Since its first elections in 1979, the European Parliament has seen a gradual decrease in voter turnout. The results of polls from May 22 to 25 showed the second lowest civic engagement of its history, only 43.09 percent. This is a serious issue, taking into account the competencies of the Parliament such as electing the President of the EU Commission, approving laws, budgets, and treaties. In addition, many right wing parties were elected for the Parliament. For instance, in France, the National Front (FN), led by Marine Le Pen, received 24.8 percent of the vote to become the country’s largest party in the European Parliament (24 out of 75 French members of the European Parliament). Her party is known for its willingness to reduce the powers of EU. Thus, the labeled “Europtimists” will have to work together to balance the new “Eurosceptics”.

The outcome of the European Parliament elections demonstrated that most Europeans are not fully engaged with the communitarian institution. Many factors can explain this result. First, citizens are unaware or skeptical about the EU. In times of economic crises, national policies might seem more responsive, in the eyes of the average citizen, in addressing local difficulties. Second, many still consider the European Union a top-down organization, created by national elites. Third, the decline in civic engagement in the latest polls could be framed as a protest vote against national policies, especially as seen in France, which already experienced a similar situation during the 1980s. Fourth, the democratic gap is illustrated by the fact that only the EU Parliament is directly elected by the people. These are some of the obstacles that member states and communitarian institutions will have to address in the next elections.

Since institutional campaigns such as "Act, React, Impact" do not seem to have worked as expected, how can the EU Parliament engage more Europeans in the regional policy? There is a vast range of suggestions on the table, especially by comparing different political regimes. All EU member states as democracies dealing with the system in a regional framework is challenging, perhaps a challenge similar to that faced by societies with recent democratic regimes. (For examples, we can look to the German NGO Transparency International, which develops and implements many strategies in order to improve civic engagement in former USSR countries.)

Such actions could also be applied on regional grounds. First, seminars and training courses focused on the youth of every member country is essential, for they will soon take part in the political process. Lectures about the political processes of the EU should take place at school, and explain what the benefits are for the country and the region as whole. Second, they should work to raise voter’s awareness before elections by fostering debates on TV channels. Third, traditional political parties should pay more attention to the communitarian institutions, because many of them implemented campaigns too close to elections. No wonder—parties that began their campaigns earlier were successful at the polls. Fourth, it would be helpful to devote a full day in the region for elections, once every country has a different date.

It is important to highlight that many citizens did not vote as a form of protest due to the lack of credibility of political parties. This is an unusual phenomenon in many countries. Nevertheless, there are democracies in which voting is compulsory. Such policy addresses the issue of democratic legitimacy, once the elected candidate represents the majority of voters, and not only those of mobilized groups. Countries like Brazil, where voting is compulsory, impose different measures in order to make people comply with the voting system. In the European Union, however, this policy would not receive strong support, because it is not the tradition of most European countries, where freedom of speech can also be framed as freedom to not speak.

Communitarian agencies will have to improve their efforts with member states and attempt different strategies to increase voter turnout in the 2019 elections. There is no magic formula, but of course, such transition towards better civic engagement is likely to work, as long as any future approach respects cultural traditions concerning the political system.

Leonardo Miguel Alles is an international consultant based in Paris.

Photo: dominiccampbell (cc).

The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.