.

Burma, at least on the surface, is entering an unprecedented time. More and more political prisoners are released each year by Burma's quasi-civilian government. The 19-member committee set up by President Thein Sein to identify political prisoners recently recommended that 63 political prisoners be freed as soon as possible. Thein Sein has opened the country up for investment, with numerous major foreign companies entering the Burmese market. The World Bank predicts that Burma's economy will grow by 6.8 percent in 2014, putting it in the pantheon of South East Asia's top performers. Khwima Nthara, the World Bank’s senior country economist, claimed that Burma's above average growth forecast "is very much attributable to the new wave of reforms.”

However, a commentary in China’s Communist Party-run Global Times described concern over what it calls "excessive and hasty" democratic change in Burma. Arguing that democracy alone cannot solve all of the country's problems, the article pointed to the ethnic strife that consumes the northern regions of the nation as a problem that democracy cannot answer.

Indeed, the complex ethnic situation in Burma is something that no one seems to have an answer to. Burma has been plagued by two main conflicts. The first is that of the Kachin independence movement, led by the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) who has taken concerted military efforts to establish a Kachin state. The second is the violence against the Rohingya Muslims in the northwestern state of Rakhine. In both conflicts, no organization has managed to properly control the violence, which seems to burst into flame at the smallest spark.

Most recently, the government has had success in negotiating with the KIO, and there are high hopes for a nationwide ceasefire agreement and the establishment of a framework for political dialogue. With this burgeoning relationship in mind, some have questioned what democracy can bring to the table. The Global Times fears that democracy and especially the opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), could destabilize this process and cause more ethnic violence.

However, the idea that democracy is unhelpful to conflict resolution masks the reality on the ground in Burma. To the contrary, the struggles in the Kachin and Rakhine states have been exacerbated by the lack of democracy and rule of law. The only reason why progress is being made with the KIO is because of the still-inchoate democratic policies of the Thein Sein administration. Even a government with simply the trappings of democracy has shown a much greater ability to reconcile with armed ethnic groups than any of the past military regimes. The KIO is demanding constitutional reforms, including a move towards a federal government and a federal army—How could democracy be the stumbling block to peace when democracy is one of the goals of the rebels? While the government is taking some steps in addressing ethnic strife, it is the democratization process that is to be credited for these small changes, not a centralized government.

Also, while the government and rebel forces may be engaged in negotiations, there is much to be said in gaining the trust of the people. When ceasefires had been agreed upon in the past, localized violence continued uninterrupted. Many of these incidents have occurred with the tacit support of the Burmese authorities. An investigation by the Physicians for Human Rights found many local leaders at the helm of the attacks against Rohingya Muslims. Security forces rarely intervene in the violence and have sometimes participated in it. Few perpetrators of violent incidents are jailed, while hundreds of Ronhingyas have been imprisoned for supposed instigation of violence. The weak rule of law has negatively impacted the Rohingyas who consider Burma their home. The military-dominated government has given little support to ethnic political parties, drowning out any sort of legitimate political representation. A full transition to democracy and a new face to Burma's government would be the next step in bringing about a resolution to one of Burma's most heated struggles.

Akshan de Alwis is a senior at the Noble and Greenough School and works with youth groups in Burma on youth and democracy building.

Photo: Mathias Eick, EU/ECHO, Rakhine State, Myanmar/Burma, September 2013 (cc).

The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.

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Democracy as a Road Map to Peace in Burma

December 6, 2013

Burma, at least on the surface, is entering an unprecedented time. More and more political prisoners are released each year by Burma's quasi-civilian government. The 19-member committee set up by President Thein Sein to identify political prisoners recently recommended that 63 political prisoners be freed as soon as possible. Thein Sein has opened the country up for investment, with numerous major foreign companies entering the Burmese market. The World Bank predicts that Burma's economy will grow by 6.8 percent in 2014, putting it in the pantheon of South East Asia's top performers. Khwima Nthara, the World Bank’s senior country economist, claimed that Burma's above average growth forecast "is very much attributable to the new wave of reforms.”

However, a commentary in China’s Communist Party-run Global Times described concern over what it calls "excessive and hasty" democratic change in Burma. Arguing that democracy alone cannot solve all of the country's problems, the article pointed to the ethnic strife that consumes the northern regions of the nation as a problem that democracy cannot answer.

Indeed, the complex ethnic situation in Burma is something that no one seems to have an answer to. Burma has been plagued by two main conflicts. The first is that of the Kachin independence movement, led by the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) who has taken concerted military efforts to establish a Kachin state. The second is the violence against the Rohingya Muslims in the northwestern state of Rakhine. In both conflicts, no organization has managed to properly control the violence, which seems to burst into flame at the smallest spark.

Most recently, the government has had success in negotiating with the KIO, and there are high hopes for a nationwide ceasefire agreement and the establishment of a framework for political dialogue. With this burgeoning relationship in mind, some have questioned what democracy can bring to the table. The Global Times fears that democracy and especially the opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), could destabilize this process and cause more ethnic violence.

However, the idea that democracy is unhelpful to conflict resolution masks the reality on the ground in Burma. To the contrary, the struggles in the Kachin and Rakhine states have been exacerbated by the lack of democracy and rule of law. The only reason why progress is being made with the KIO is because of the still-inchoate democratic policies of the Thein Sein administration. Even a government with simply the trappings of democracy has shown a much greater ability to reconcile with armed ethnic groups than any of the past military regimes. The KIO is demanding constitutional reforms, including a move towards a federal government and a federal army—How could democracy be the stumbling block to peace when democracy is one of the goals of the rebels? While the government is taking some steps in addressing ethnic strife, it is the democratization process that is to be credited for these small changes, not a centralized government.

Also, while the government and rebel forces may be engaged in negotiations, there is much to be said in gaining the trust of the people. When ceasefires had been agreed upon in the past, localized violence continued uninterrupted. Many of these incidents have occurred with the tacit support of the Burmese authorities. An investigation by the Physicians for Human Rights found many local leaders at the helm of the attacks against Rohingya Muslims. Security forces rarely intervene in the violence and have sometimes participated in it. Few perpetrators of violent incidents are jailed, while hundreds of Ronhingyas have been imprisoned for supposed instigation of violence. The weak rule of law has negatively impacted the Rohingyas who consider Burma their home. The military-dominated government has given little support to ethnic political parties, drowning out any sort of legitimate political representation. A full transition to democracy and a new face to Burma's government would be the next step in bringing about a resolution to one of Burma's most heated struggles.

Akshan de Alwis is a senior at the Noble and Greenough School and works with youth groups in Burma on youth and democracy building.

Photo: Mathias Eick, EU/ECHO, Rakhine State, Myanmar/Burma, September 2013 (cc).

The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.