.
B

etween 2021 and 2023, three Sahelian countries—Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso—underwent military coups. The countries felt a political shift due to years of discontentment voiced by their populations, largely made up of young citizens. The Sahel region, composed mainly of former French colonies, has gone through years of social and political instability, with adverse consequences for their citizens. Amid this turmoil, those countries had a common message: They disapproved of France’s involvement in the internal affairs of Sahelian countries that went beyond the realms of international cooperation. This has created an “anti–French” sentiment that swept the region and arguably led to tangible shifts in Sahelian politics and diplomatic feuds, as well as ruptures with France.  

In November 2017, French President Emmanuel Macron gave a speech at the University of Ouagadougou in Burkina Faso promising to reform relations between France and Africa while emphasizing the need for more inclusion of African youth in this new relationship. Four years later in 2021 during the France–Africa summit, Macron reiterated his reform message, even stating that being himself born after the colonization period, his presidency would focus on creating new national relationships based on mutual partnerships. This summit, in contrast to previous ones that invited heads of state, solely focused on youth social and political movements and entrepreneurs. The message was met by youth voicing their discontentment, disapproval, and non–belief

In the Sahel, good governance has been a challenge since the era of independence. The region has been plagued by a succession of regimes that left its countries in fragile socio–political and security settings. In the last two decades, there has been an increase in youth activism demanding better governance. Historically governments have excluded youth from decision–making and often do not engage in open dialogue with them. Major opposition parties in Sahelian countries often do not involve citizens under the age of 35. In this digital age, the use of social media has been instrumental in connecting the youth and amplifying their voices throughout the world. Young Africans are organizing themselves into associations, think tanks and activism groups, calling on their leaders to include them in decision–making. 

Breaking free from both current and previous leaders has also meant a break from the traditional relationship with France. The new generation of Africans sees France as a guardian of old policies since the colonial era, one that doesn’t consider the voice of the general population. The triangular relationship between the French state,  the African states, and the African population is being challenged by an informed and conscious generation that wants their leaders to put an end to neo–colonialism and focus on national sovereignty and interests. Macron’s reform strategy during his first term did little to change the state of relations with Sahelian countries and only deepened Sahelian youth’s distrust.  

The political shifts and diplomatic ruptures that have sapped the French presence and influence in the Sahel region are partially due to the youth’s bold activism. In Niger, Chad and Burkina Faso, youth took to the streets with signs and chants asking France to leave. Sahelian youth pushed forward the desire for a change in international cooperation, specifically French foreign policy in the Sahel. With these regime changes, and the growing “anti–French” discourse, the youth are likely to cause even more change in the relationship between France and the Sahelian nations.

About
Deborah Melom Ndjerareou
:
Deborah Melom Ndjerareou is from the Republic of Chad. She is a humanitarian with global experience with the UN and NGOs in Congo Brazzaville, Namibia, Niger, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Palestinian Territories, Somaliland, South Africa, and Chad.
The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.

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Are African youth disrupting French foreign policy in the Sahel?

Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. Image by IBRAHIM DIOUF from Pixabay.

May 16, 2024

The political shift and diplomatic ruptures that have sapped France's presence and influence in the Sahel region are partially due to bold youth activism, and there is more to come, writes Deborah Melom Ndjerareou.

B

etween 2021 and 2023, three Sahelian countries—Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso—underwent military coups. The countries felt a political shift due to years of discontentment voiced by their populations, largely made up of young citizens. The Sahel region, composed mainly of former French colonies, has gone through years of social and political instability, with adverse consequences for their citizens. Amid this turmoil, those countries had a common message: They disapproved of France’s involvement in the internal affairs of Sahelian countries that went beyond the realms of international cooperation. This has created an “anti–French” sentiment that swept the region and arguably led to tangible shifts in Sahelian politics and diplomatic feuds, as well as ruptures with France.  

In November 2017, French President Emmanuel Macron gave a speech at the University of Ouagadougou in Burkina Faso promising to reform relations between France and Africa while emphasizing the need for more inclusion of African youth in this new relationship. Four years later in 2021 during the France–Africa summit, Macron reiterated his reform message, even stating that being himself born after the colonization period, his presidency would focus on creating new national relationships based on mutual partnerships. This summit, in contrast to previous ones that invited heads of state, solely focused on youth social and political movements and entrepreneurs. The message was met by youth voicing their discontentment, disapproval, and non–belief

In the Sahel, good governance has been a challenge since the era of independence. The region has been plagued by a succession of regimes that left its countries in fragile socio–political and security settings. In the last two decades, there has been an increase in youth activism demanding better governance. Historically governments have excluded youth from decision–making and often do not engage in open dialogue with them. Major opposition parties in Sahelian countries often do not involve citizens under the age of 35. In this digital age, the use of social media has been instrumental in connecting the youth and amplifying their voices throughout the world. Young Africans are organizing themselves into associations, think tanks and activism groups, calling on their leaders to include them in decision–making. 

Breaking free from both current and previous leaders has also meant a break from the traditional relationship with France. The new generation of Africans sees France as a guardian of old policies since the colonial era, one that doesn’t consider the voice of the general population. The triangular relationship between the French state,  the African states, and the African population is being challenged by an informed and conscious generation that wants their leaders to put an end to neo–colonialism and focus on national sovereignty and interests. Macron’s reform strategy during his first term did little to change the state of relations with Sahelian countries and only deepened Sahelian youth’s distrust.  

The political shifts and diplomatic ruptures that have sapped the French presence and influence in the Sahel region are partially due to the youth’s bold activism. In Niger, Chad and Burkina Faso, youth took to the streets with signs and chants asking France to leave. Sahelian youth pushed forward the desire for a change in international cooperation, specifically French foreign policy in the Sahel. With these regime changes, and the growing “anti–French” discourse, the youth are likely to cause even more change in the relationship between France and the Sahelian nations.

About
Deborah Melom Ndjerareou
:
Deborah Melom Ndjerareou is from the Republic of Chad. She is a humanitarian with global experience with the UN and NGOs in Congo Brazzaville, Namibia, Niger, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Palestinian Territories, Somaliland, South Africa, and Chad.
The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.