.
On Sunday, the trial of 43 expatriate non-profit employees began in an Egyptian criminal court. Among the defendants are 19 Americans who, according to Egyptian authorities, illegally received foreign funds without the consent of the government, which was allegedly used to foment the recent, ceaseless unrest plaguing the country. Of the 43 accused, only 14 non-Americans were present for their indictment. They sat in their courtroom cage not unlike the one former President Hosni Mubarak occupies during his criminal proceedings, as the charges were read aloud in a courtroom filled with journalists.

Following the adjournment, the defendants were released as the crowds filling the courtroom chanted, "Down with military rule." The trial is set to resume on April 26th, but it was announced yesterday that the accused Americans were allowed to post bail (at 2 million Egyptian pounds, or $332,000, each) and leave the country. It has been reported by CNN that they are safely out of Egypt. Whether or not they will return for their trial is, as U.S. State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland said, "an issue that each one of them will have to make their own decision about." Nevertheless, the accusations and bad blood revealed by this will further stand to strain the United States' relations with one of its most important Arab allies.

At the forefront of the military ruler’s crackdown on nongovernmental organizations is Egypt’s International Cooperation Minister Fayza Aboulnaga, a long time cabinet minister in Egyptian government and Mubarak ally. Aboulnaga, along with ruling military generals, began their xenophobic crusade in August of last year, accusing NGOs - whose role is to teach developing political parties the basics of voting and democratic rights - of using foreign funds without the consent of the government. In recent months we have seen a litany of Egyptian government officials ratcheting up their rhetoric against the “foreign elements” who are the mysterious source of the funds purported to have been used to incite the masses against the already-notoriously unpopular ruling military council (SCAF).

It wasn't long before SCAF's actions caught up to its rhetoric, and in late December of last year Egyptian authorities raided NGO offices, including the U.S.-based International Republican Institute, National Democratic Institute, Freedom House, the International Center for Journalists, and the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. Computers were seized, documents were confiscated and office doors were locked. According to Egyptian authorities, the raids yielded enough evidence to refer dozens to criminal trial. Feeling the heat, many of the NGO workers whose offices were raided attempted to leave the country, but they were briefly detained and told they were on a no-fly list and would not be permitted to leave Egypt. Fearing prosecution, at least seven American workers sought refuge in the U.S. Embassy in Cairo where they are still believed to be in an attempt to avoid arrest.

For the last few weeks, the United States and the Egyptian government have been in a stalemate regarding the prosecution of the workers. Almost immediately following the office raids, some U.S. officials began to discuss how to punish Egypt for their blatant disregard for basic human and democratic rights. Given that Egypt’s military rulers receive $1.3 billion in aid and $200 million for economic development annually, this seemed to be the United States' only bargaining chip in their heightened negotiations to bring the Americans home.

The ruling military council, along with the support of the newly-elected Islamic parliament, is betting on a deep-seated mistrust of the West to prop up their rule; however, it seems that combined pressure from U.S. officials and from the withdrawal of all three judges from the case on Wednesday was enough to convince them to continue the prosecution with the Americans in absentia. That they allowed most of the Americans to leave the country is a start in the easing of tensions, but it will not be enough until the remaining workers in the U.S. Embassy also see their travel restrictions eased. Before the workers' release, U.S. lawmakers were not only urging the withholding of aid until the Americans were able to leave the country freely, but they also continue to insist no aid should be given to Egypt until NGO's are able to operate again without fear of prosecution from the government.

Throughout the "intense" discussions with Egyptian authorities, U.S. officials, including President Obama, have remained optimistic that SCAF would not jeopardize its diplomatic ties with America. With yesterday's development, it remains to be seen if the rhetoric and high tensions against each other will ease, or if relations between the countries have been more seriously damaged.

Wes Bruer is a writer and policy researcher based in Atlanta, Georgia focusing on foreign policy, international conflict, and terrorism. In 2011, he spent the summer based in Cairo, Egypt writing about political and security issues in post-Mubarak Egypt. His reports from Tahrir Square were published at The Weekly Standard.

Photo: AP Photo/Khalil Hamra

About
Wes Bruer
:
The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.

a global affairs media network

www.diplomaticourier.com

A Billion Dollar Gamble in Egypt

March 2, 2012

On Sunday, the trial of 43 expatriate non-profit employees began in an Egyptian criminal court. Among the defendants are 19 Americans who, according to Egyptian authorities, illegally received foreign funds without the consent of the government, which was allegedly used to foment the recent, ceaseless unrest plaguing the country. Of the 43 accused, only 14 non-Americans were present for their indictment. They sat in their courtroom cage not unlike the one former President Hosni Mubarak occupies during his criminal proceedings, as the charges were read aloud in a courtroom filled with journalists.

Following the adjournment, the defendants were released as the crowds filling the courtroom chanted, "Down with military rule." The trial is set to resume on April 26th, but it was announced yesterday that the accused Americans were allowed to post bail (at 2 million Egyptian pounds, or $332,000, each) and leave the country. It has been reported by CNN that they are safely out of Egypt. Whether or not they will return for their trial is, as U.S. State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland said, "an issue that each one of them will have to make their own decision about." Nevertheless, the accusations and bad blood revealed by this will further stand to strain the United States' relations with one of its most important Arab allies.

At the forefront of the military ruler’s crackdown on nongovernmental organizations is Egypt’s International Cooperation Minister Fayza Aboulnaga, a long time cabinet minister in Egyptian government and Mubarak ally. Aboulnaga, along with ruling military generals, began their xenophobic crusade in August of last year, accusing NGOs - whose role is to teach developing political parties the basics of voting and democratic rights - of using foreign funds without the consent of the government. In recent months we have seen a litany of Egyptian government officials ratcheting up their rhetoric against the “foreign elements” who are the mysterious source of the funds purported to have been used to incite the masses against the already-notoriously unpopular ruling military council (SCAF).

It wasn't long before SCAF's actions caught up to its rhetoric, and in late December of last year Egyptian authorities raided NGO offices, including the U.S.-based International Republican Institute, National Democratic Institute, Freedom House, the International Center for Journalists, and the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. Computers were seized, documents were confiscated and office doors were locked. According to Egyptian authorities, the raids yielded enough evidence to refer dozens to criminal trial. Feeling the heat, many of the NGO workers whose offices were raided attempted to leave the country, but they were briefly detained and told they were on a no-fly list and would not be permitted to leave Egypt. Fearing prosecution, at least seven American workers sought refuge in the U.S. Embassy in Cairo where they are still believed to be in an attempt to avoid arrest.

For the last few weeks, the United States and the Egyptian government have been in a stalemate regarding the prosecution of the workers. Almost immediately following the office raids, some U.S. officials began to discuss how to punish Egypt for their blatant disregard for basic human and democratic rights. Given that Egypt’s military rulers receive $1.3 billion in aid and $200 million for economic development annually, this seemed to be the United States' only bargaining chip in their heightened negotiations to bring the Americans home.

The ruling military council, along with the support of the newly-elected Islamic parliament, is betting on a deep-seated mistrust of the West to prop up their rule; however, it seems that combined pressure from U.S. officials and from the withdrawal of all three judges from the case on Wednesday was enough to convince them to continue the prosecution with the Americans in absentia. That they allowed most of the Americans to leave the country is a start in the easing of tensions, but it will not be enough until the remaining workers in the U.S. Embassy also see their travel restrictions eased. Before the workers' release, U.S. lawmakers were not only urging the withholding of aid until the Americans were able to leave the country freely, but they also continue to insist no aid should be given to Egypt until NGO's are able to operate again without fear of prosecution from the government.

Throughout the "intense" discussions with Egyptian authorities, U.S. officials, including President Obama, have remained optimistic that SCAF would not jeopardize its diplomatic ties with America. With yesterday's development, it remains to be seen if the rhetoric and high tensions against each other will ease, or if relations between the countries have been more seriously damaged.

Wes Bruer is a writer and policy researcher based in Atlanta, Georgia focusing on foreign policy, international conflict, and terrorism. In 2011, he spent the summer based in Cairo, Egypt writing about political and security issues in post-Mubarak Egypt. His reports from Tahrir Square were published at The Weekly Standard.

Photo: AP Photo/Khalil Hamra

About
Wes Bruer
:
The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.